Bdsm intentions

Added: Machelle Mcmeans - Date: 24.07.2021 09:53 - Views: 28278 - Clicks: 2952

In-depth interviews were completed with 29 self-defined BDSM practitioners, and their s were analysed using thematic analysis. Focusing on the Deleuzian concept of becoming, BDSM is understood as a dynamic and collective phenomenon closely connected to fantasies, memories and longing, and enabled through flows of desire.

Practising BDSM can be understood as a process of increasing expansion, creation and connection, in which desire is seen not as something we lack or need but rather as a process of striving and self-enhancement. Exploring the becoming process more fully can provide a better understanding as to why some people choose to practise BDSM. The literary depiction of sadomasochism has a long and rich history, with examples from both Eastern and Western civilisations, while the scholarly study of these practices is comparatively recent Westerfelhaus The terms sadism and masochism were first coined by Richard von Krafft-Ebing — in his extensive work Psychopathia Sexualis, published in Sigmund Freud — subsequently brought together the two concepts to form sad-omasochism.

Noticing that a person could experience pleasure from both receiving bdsm intentions inflicting pain, Freud drew the conclusion that sadism and masochism were two sides of the same coin Weinberg The conceptualisation was further developed by the anthropologist Paul Gebhardwho stressed that to experience or inflict pain per se is not attractive to BDSM practitioners, unless it occurs in an arranged situation. However, it is from the s onwards that sociological research of BDSM as a collective, consenting and social behaviour has progressed and diversified.

BDSM is organised in environments with shared rules, values and norms that members must adhere to. Social events are based on interaction and ritual practices in social contexts including clubs, private parties, pub evenings or workshops, where practitioners meet to socialise, learn and practise BDSM.

Continuity and mutual recognition are arguably crucial factors in providing this sense of security. At the same time, it should be stressed that a minority, or a self-defined group such as a BDSM community, does not constitute a fixed identity. It can be reformed, and the community can tly create new ideas about what identity is and should contain at a given moment.

Deleuze and Guattari [] argue that the identity of a group is set in motion with every new member, something that becomes obvious within the BDSM community, where there is a constant influx of new people. While earlier theories supposed that prior childhood sexual abuse might for adult participation in BDSM, several empirical studies show that BDSM cannot be explained in terms of psychopathology Langdridge and Barker ; Sandnabba et al.

In contrast to pathologising discourses, some studies point to the psychological benefits for people who engage in BDSM see, for example, Richters et al. The authors commented that BDSM should be understood in terms of recreational activity rather than as a form of psychopathology.

Ranging from exploration of the spiritual to the therapeutic, research by BeckmannTaylor and Ussher and Barker, Iantaffi, and Gupta reported positive psychological outcomes for participants engaging in BDSM. This trend away from pathologising discourses is also demonstrated by the diversification in research focus.

The present study adds to the existing multidisciplinary literature and takes its point of departure in theoretical reflections on desire as a fundamental force in life. Focusing on the concepts of becoming and desire, I explore how practitioners give meaning to their own experiences. Data were collected within different BDSM communities between and To identify participants, I combined a variety of approaches: I advertised in a sex shop, contacted various non-profit organisations working on sexual issues and for the rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people, and informed them about the research project.

I also became a member of Darkside. Ethnographic research aims at getting close to the informants and uncovering phenomena, but also serves to study the complexity and dynamics in different situations. In the present study, the fieldwork included interviews, observation and participation in meetings, home parties, pub evenings and club activities. At parties and clubs, there are opportunities to role-play and practise BDSM, and I regularly participated in such events. I also visited practitioners in their homes to reach an understanding of how BDSM permeates everyday life.

The observations served several purposes. I wanted people to get to know me and, in that way, create trust. I also wanted to learn more about interaction patterns and norms within the BDSM community, which was difficult to achieve through interviews alone. Finally, my observations helped develop relevant questions for subsequent interviews. In total, 29 persons, defining themselves as BDSM practitioners, were interviewed.

The in-depth interviews started with questions about how informants defined BDSM, and how they initially got involved. My intention was to enable people to feel free to discuss the subjects they felt were most important to them. Fourteen persons from bdsm intentions sample identified themselves as women, 14 as men and one as transgender. Twenty of the informants had a university education. My contact with informants varied: I met some of them only once for an interview; others I got to know very well and met several times in different contexts for repeated interviews.

These informants helped me gain access to different events and put me in contact with others. The theoretical framing I had initially chosen was modified in the course of the study, based on some of the findings that emerged. In the analysis, I have repeatedly modified the use of the theoretical concepts in a dialectical relationship with my observations and the stories of the informants.

In this study, the analytical were interpreted through the bdsm intentions concepts of becoming and desire Deleuze ; Deleuze and Guattari [ ] to explore dimensions of transgression and re-negotiation of identities that appeared in the interviews.

In line with their arguments, I see the individual as dynamic and becoming. This stance can be contrasted with the traditional view of there being a fixed human essence, which then differs by race, bdsm intentions and gender. The problem, according to Deleuzeis that becoming always has to be directed towards a given subject.

Deleuze and Guattari [] thereby distance bdsm intentions from psychoanalytic theory in which desire is seen as something we need to suppress or tame to become civilised. Instead, humans, societies, cultures, discourses and performances are taken to be effects and products of desires. Life itself is desire in which identities and beliefs are understood as events within the flow of desires.

Expansion and creation occur through connections. Desire means connection. One way to think about this is to examine the interconnections between different factors: fingers connecting to a keyboard, a body connecting to another body, a mouth connecting to a glass and a bee connecting to a flower. Often we think of desire in terms of deficiency: if we desire something, it is because we lack it.

But Deleuze reconfigures the concept of desire by contending that what we desire is a social formation, and in this sense, desire is always positive. Rather than seeing desire as the effect of something we are lacking, we can instead see it as a creative process, permeating everyday life Deleuze and Guattari [ ] In their eclectic analysis, desire is not conscious and rational, but consists partly of the subconscious. BDSM was generally described by the informants as complex and dynamic, rather than static. In their reflections, the practices are also frequently described in terms of becoming.

Several informants talked about when they first came into contact with BDSM and how the practice has evolved since. A dominant man, Jonathan, reflecting upon the becoming process remarked:. It BDSM has evolved from just being a set of emotions that I could not put words into being an important part of my personality. In the beginning, I did not understand why I felt the way I did.

I did not know if it was okay with the surrounding world, or even if it was okay with me. I did not know that there were others just like me. I have gone from seeing my sexual preference as something strange that should be avoided to welcoming it.

This has, in turn, led me to allow myself to see the full range of my preferences, and that I can appreciate all aspects of BDSM. Many practitioners described a sexual-identity development marked by internal conflicts, lack of confidence and feelings of shame in connection to their BDSM practices. For some practitioners, BDSM was not only about sexuality.

Instead, power exchange, discipline and security were key factors, where the ificance of consent is central. There was a preoccupation, particularly among BDSM couples, with finding and shaping strategies to manage and balance BDSM practice in relation to the surrounding community, and in everyday life. Almost all interviewed practitioners had a first memory that they associated with BDSM. For many, the discovery was intertwined with a bdsm intentions event, usually far back in time, yet easily to bdsm intentions in memory.

For many also, it involved a flashback to childhood. He remarked:. I had quite explicit fantasies about my elementary school teacher, she was very foxy. I remember thinking, bdsm intentions if I could get control over her instead. I had quite explicit fantasies about how I bdsm intentions her with a ruler. Recurrent stories concerned the discovery of a BDSM interest through various childhood games. The informants told of games of cops and robbers, and cowboys and Indians, including restraining, bondage and wrestling.

Adam, who defined himself as a submissive and masochist, reflected on how his childhood games had BDSM-like elements, and that he was always the one who was caught and exposed:. And I realise it now. I was always the one who got caught; I was always the one who was exposed to stuff. But at the time it was not sexual, it was natural. Here, Adam describes how, although the childhood games did not happen in a sexual context, adult BDSM roles were formed in relation to these games. In a later exploration of BDSM, Kim explains how hir hir is a gender-neutral third-person singular object pronoun is always going back to the feeling hir had in the zebra and lion-game: namely, to be in a vulnerable position with the knowledge that something will happen, but you do not know exactly what.

Many practitioners said it was only in their teenage years that the games got connected to a sexual preference. This led to a search for information and like-minded people. Informants who were teenagers before the emergence of the Internet explained the difficulty of obtaining knowledge and getting in touch with other practitioners.

Magnus said:.

Bdsm intentions

email: [email protected] - phone:(109) 146-3493 x 7385

Intent versus Intentions